Politics

Cameroon under President Biya has been an elitist and unfair society operating an imperial kind of presidency with a pattern of discrimination and systematic war against the Anglophone community. This vicious pattern of governance which was propounded by a group of Francophone Beti-Ewondo elites in politics and in the army ever since Biya came to power in 1982 has resulted in a vast ethnic and wealth disparity. And as the Biya regime shows no signs of crumbling, the spirit of peace, work and fatherland is fading away from the Anglophone communities in the country.

The disparity of wealth accumulation between Francophones and Anglophones has its roots in the Beti-Ewondo imperial presidency headed by Paul Biya. Contrary to the late Ahidjo era when we had our Kilos and Nangas, in the 32 years of the Biya regime, Anglophones do not have one Cameroonian billionaire. CPDM Cameroon is for the enrichment of the Francophones and 1 percent of CPDM South West and North West elites who spend their time and ill gotten wealth fanning the flames of North West/South West divide. The Biya regime also operates a malicious policy where the Bamilekes pretend to be “les meme gens” with our North West West brothers and help their Francophone geopolitical setting to expropriate and exploit the Anglophones.

The Cameroonian society has never been fair. It was never about any Anglophone succeeding except for those who betray other Anglophones. His Royal Highness Fon Angwafor of Mankon can go around posing as National Vice President of the ruling CPDM party but even a child born in Tinta in Akwaya Sub Division in Manyu is aware that Fon Angwafor does not have access to President Biya like the Sultan of Foumban, the Lamido of Rey Bouba or the Fon of Banjoun. CPDM Cameroon has always been unfair, it will never be right if the people of the North West and South West province do not read from the same script.

Today, it is almost impossible to speak English in any government building in Southern Cameroons. Under Biya, we have had 32 years of some kind of slavery and discrimination from French speaking Cameroonians. Perhaps, I should bring myself into this editorial for this week!! Where do I really belong? In Southern Cameroons, I am a minority from the South West. In the Republic of Cameroon, I am a minority from the Anglophone community. In Europe, I am a black man, still a minority!! Where do I go from here?

In both the South West and North West regions of Cameroon, Francophones have 50 times the wealth of Anglophones. For everyone Anglophone captain in the army, there are 100 Francophones. For everyone Anglophone diplomat, there are 101 Francophones and for every 2 Anglophones SDOs, there are 100s of Francophones senior divisional officers. No Anglophone can even muster the courage to seek a government contract amounting to a billion FCFA!! Who are you?

Protest against financial inequality is what led to many Fulanis joining the Boko Haram Islamic sect. The Biya Francophone Beti-Ewondo regime is speeding up developmental issues now in the Far North region. But in the Bakassi peninsular in the South West region, there is no sign of improvement. The Anglophone Diaspora should please raise their game!! We should move away from organizing ekpe, mbagalum, and bottle dance etc to more serious issues. A stitch in time saves nine

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Ngwa Bertrand

07.Mar.2015

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Cameroon under President Biya has been an elitist and unfair society operating an imperial kind of presidency with a pattern of discrimination and systematic war against the Anglophone community. This vicious pattern of governance which was propounded by a group of Francophone Beti-Ewondo elites in politics and in the army ever since Biya came to power in 1982 has resulted in a vast ethnic and wealth disparity. And as the Biya regime shows no signs of crumbling, the spirit of peace, work and fatherland is fading away from the Anglophone communities in the country.

The disparity of wealth accumulation between Francophones and Anglophones has its roots in the Beti-Ewondo imperial presidency headed by Paul Biya. Contrary to the late Ahidjo era when we had our Kilos and Nangas, in the 32 years of the Biya regime, Anglophones do not have one Cameroonian billionaire. CPDM Cameroon is for the enrichment of the Francophones and 1 percent of CPDM South West and North West elites who spend their time and ill gotten wealth fanning the flames of North West/South West divide. The Biya regime also operates a malicious policy where the Bamilekes pretend to be “les meme gens” with our North West West brothers and help their Francophone geopolitical setting to expropriate and exploit the Anglophones.

The Cameroonian society has never been fair. It was never about any Anglophone succeeding except for those who betray other Anglophones. His Royal Highness Fon Angwafor of Mankon can go around posing as National Vice President of the ruling CPDM party but even a child born in Tinta in Akwaya Sub Division in Manyu is aware that Fon Angwafor does not have access to President Biya like the Sultan of Foumban, the Lamido of Rey Bouba or the Fon of Banjoun. CPDM Cameroon has always been unfair, it will never be right if the people of the North West and South West province do not read from the same script.

Today, it is almost impossible to speak English in any government building in Southern Cameroons. Under Biya, we have had 32 years of some kind of slavery and discrimination from French speaking Cameroonians. Perhaps, I should bring myself into this editorial for this week!! Where do I really belong? In Southern Cameroons, I am a minority from the South West. In the Republic of Cameroon, I am a minority from the Anglophone community. In Europe, I am a black man, still a minority!! Where do I go from here?

In both the South West and North West regions of Cameroon, Francophones have 50 times the wealth of Anglophones. For everyone Anglophone captain in the army, there are 100 Francophones. For everyone Anglophone diplomat, there are 101 Francophones and for every 2 Anglophones SDOs, there are 100s of Francophones senior divisional officers. No Anglophone can even muster the courage to seek a government contract amounting to a billion FCFA!! Who are you?

Protest against financial inequality is what led to many Fulanis joining the Boko Haram Islamic sect. The Biya Francophone Beti-Ewondo regime is speeding up developmental issues now in the Far North region. But in the Bakassi peninsular in the South West region, there is no sign of improvement. The Anglophone Diaspora should please raise their game!! We should move away from organizing ekpe, mbagalum, and bottle dance etc to more serious issues. A stitch in time saves nine

Details

Ngwa Bertrand

07.Mar.2015

Hits: 2251

Cameroon under President Biya has been an elitist and unfair society operating an imperial kind of presidency with a pattern of discrimination and systematic war against the Anglophone community. This vicious pattern of governance which was propounded by a group of Francophone Beti-Ewondo elites in politics and in the army ever since Biya came to power in 1982 has resulted in a vast ethnic and wealth disparity. And as the Biya regime shows no signs of crumbling, the spirit of peace, work and fatherland is fading away from the Anglophone communities in the country.

The disparity of wealth accumulation between Francophones and Anglophones has its roots in the Beti-Ewondo imperial presidency headed by Paul Biya. Contrary to the late Ahidjo era when we had our Kilos and Nangas, in the 32 years of the Biya regime, Anglophones do not have one Cameroonian billionaire. CPDM Cameroon is for the enrichment of the Francophones and 1 percent of CPDM South West and North West elites who spend their time and ill gotten wealth fanning the flames of North West/South West divide. The Biya regime also operates a malicious policy where the Bamilekes pretend to be “les meme gens” with our North West West brothers and help their Francophone geopolitical setting to expropriate and exploit the Anglophones.

The Cameroonian society has never been fair. It was never about any Anglophone succeeding except for those who betray other Anglophones. His Royal Highness Fon Angwafor of Mankon can go around posing as National Vice President of the ruling CPDM party but even a child born in Tinta in Akwaya Sub Division in Manyu is aware that Fon Angwafor does not have access to President Biya like the Sultan of Foumban, the Lamido of Rey Bouba or the Fon of Banjoun. CPDM Cameroon has always been unfair, it will never be right if the people of the North West and South West province do not read from the same script.

Today, it is almost impossible to speak English in any government building in Southern Cameroons. Under Biya, we have had 32 years of some kind of slavery and discrimination from French speaking Cameroonians. Perhaps, I should bring myself into this editorial for this week!! Where do I really belong? In Southern Cameroons, I am a minority from the South West. In the Republic of Cameroon, I am a minority from the Anglophone community. In Europe, I am a black man, still a minority!! Where do I go from here?

In both the South West and North West regions of Cameroon, Francophones have 50 times the wealth of Anglophones. For everyone Anglophone captain in the army, there are 100 Francophones. For everyone Anglophone diplomat, there are 101 Francophones and for every 2 Anglophones SDOs, there are 100s of Francophones senior divisional officers. No Anglophone can even muster the courage to seek a government contract amounting to a billion FCFA!! Who are you?

Protest against financial inequality is what led to many Fulanis joining the Boko Haram Islamic sect. The Biya Francophone Beti-Ewondo regime is speeding up developmental issues now in the Far North region. But in the Bakassi peninsular in the South West region, there is no sign of improvement. The Anglophone Diaspora should please raise their game!! We should move away from organizing ekpe, mbagalum, and bottle dance etc to more serious issues. A stitch in time saves nine

Details

Ngwa Bertrand

07.Mar.2015

Hits: 2658

The African Union (AU) has approved the creation of a regional force to fight Nigeria-based Boko Haram militants, who have recently launched brutal cross-border assaults in neighboring countries, diplomatic sources say. The force, comprised of up to 10,000 men from Chad, Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger and Benin, will “operate freely” in the region around Lake Chad, unnamed African diplomats said on Friday. Nigeria “has a problem with agreeing to have foreign troops on its soil”; thus, the troops will not operate in Nigeria, according to a diplomat. This will restrict the force to counter just the cross-border attacks by the terrorists. While the troops will be provided with “logistical support”, financial backing will pose a great problem for the collective measure, diplomats said.

The idea for the creation of the force was adopted at an AU summit in late January, when the participants also urged the United Nations Security Council to approve the plan. On January 31, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon threw his weight behind the establishment of the force. “I welcome the decision of the AU and regional countries to establish an MJTF (Multinational Joint Task Force) against Boko Haram,” he told reporters on the sidelines of the 24th Summit of the African Union in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The force, which is set to be based in Chad’s capital city of N’Djamena, will be mandated “to prevent the spread of Boko Haram activities and other terrorist groups” and “eradicate their presence,” AU’s Peace and Security Council agreed in a meeting earlier this week.

Boko Haram, whose name means “Western education is forbidden,” controls large parts of northeastern Nigeria and says its goal is to overthrow the Nigerian government. It has claimed responsibility for a number of deadly shooting attacks and bombings in various parts of Nigeria since the beginning of its militancy in 2009, which have left over 13,000 people dead and 1.5 million displaced. Boko Haram, which is considered the biggest security threat in Nigeria, Africa's top oil producer and largest economy, has also carried out attacks in the neighboring countries of Cameroon, Chad and Niger.

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Ngwa Bertrand

07.Mar.2015

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Suspected Boko Haram militants have attacked a village in northeastern Nigeria, killing at least 68 people. Reports said Thursday that the attack was carried out in Njaba village in Borno State. The Takfiri militants targeted men and boys and then set the village on fire. Fatima Abaka, a witness, was quoted by news website Sahara Reporters as saying, “I ran into the bush. Since then I [have] never seen my husband and three children.” “[I] came back to our village in the afternoon, dead bodies were scattered everywhere,” she added.

Aminatu Mommodu, another witness, said several villagers had been shot or their throats had been slashed inside and outside of the village’s mosque. Elderly men and children were among the victims of the attack, witnesses added. Falmata Bisika, who escaped the attack, told reporters that “the terrorists were armed to the teeth.” Boko Haram, whose name means “Western education is forbidden,” controls parts of northeastern Nigeria and says its goal is to overthrow the Nigerian government. It has claimed responsibility for a number of deadly shooting attacks and bombings in various parts of Nigeria since the beginning of its activities in 2009, which have left over 13,000 people dead and 1.5 million displaced.Boko Haram has also conducted terrorist activities in Nigeria’s neighboring countries of Cameroon, Chad, and Niger.

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Ngwa Bertrand

06.Mar.2015

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It was ironic, to say the least, that Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan’s government turned down President Jacob Zuma’s proposal for a South Africa-inspired African Union (AU) rapid response to combat the barbaric Islamist terrorist group Boko Haram – yet apparently hired ex-South African Defence Force (SADF) soldiers to train the Nigerian Defence Force (NDF) to do so. Zuma proposed the deployment of the AU’s as yet untested rapid response force – the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) – at a summit-level meeting of the AU’s Peace and Security Council in Addis Ababa in late January, just before the general AU summit, according to diplomats present. The suggestion was turned down in favour of reinforcing the Lake Chad Basin Commission, building it up to 8 700 soldiers. Just a few days before, though, Beeld newspaper had reported that former SADF soldiers would form the core of a multinational team of private military experts, who were then en route to Nigeria, to help the NDF fight against Boko Haram militants. The 100-strong team had been tasked with training the Nigerian military to launch a massive campaign against the terrorist organisation.

South Africa’s Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapise-Nqakula was deeply unimpressed. These were not ‘ex-soldiers,’ but simply ‘mercenaries,’ she said. ‘They are mercenaries – whether they are training, skilling the Nigerian defence force, or scouting for them. The point is they have no business to be there,’ she told South African journalists in Addis Ababa. She insisted that the police should arrest them on their return and the National Prosecutions Authority should prosecute and convict them to send ‘a message to all of the South Africans who are going around as mercenaries.’ The minister was referring to the Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act. Commonly known as the mercenary bill, it makes it an offence for South Africans to provide any kind of military service abroad without the formal permission of the South African government through the National Conventional Arms Control Committee, which is also supposed to regulate the sale of South African arms to foreigners. According to intelligence sources, several ex-South African Air Force (SAAF) pilots are also participating in the war against Boko Haram – under a separate contract – flying Russian Mil Mi-24 Hind attack helicopters, including in night operations, to good effect.

And overall, the multinational team of South African and other private military experts and official British, American and French military trainers have, by some accounts, contributed significantly to the recent successes of the Lake Chad Basin Commission forces against Boko Haram. This turning of the tide cannot be attributed to the AU’s decision to beef up the force and to seek United Nations (UN) Security Council financial backing for it, as this operation is not yet in the field. ‘The former SADF members are definitely playing a major role in this offensive,’ said a former military intelligence officer this week. ‘They have been in country for a significant time already, involved in training some specialised NDF units. As per normal they are now deployed in an advisory capacity at the front. This includes being deployed with the NDF special forces, artillery, armour and infantry units on the ground.  ‘Most of the gunships [Mi 24 Hinds] are being piloted by former SAAF members and they are flying a huge number of sorties, including nocturnal operations, with great success. There is also close involvement at HQ level, assisting in the planning of operations and the coordination/interpretation of the intelligence effort.’

Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Pretoria, agrees that if the best of the ex-SADF soldiers are indeed involved in the anti-Boko Haram operation, they would be ‘a huge asset’ for Nigeria. Their skills acquired in tracking and operating in the wooded terrain of southern Angola would be particularly relevant to conditions in northern Nigeria. ‘I have always thought that the ANC [African National Congress] made a huge mistake by criminalising the former SADF soldiers,’ he said, referring to the mercenary bill and suggesting the legislation was more ideological than practical. ‘The only thing they have to sell is their counter-terrorism skills. It would have made much more sense to channel their skills productively, such as towards the UN.’ He cited the success of the old private security/mercenary outfit, Executive Outcomes, in helping the Angolan army defeat UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) rebels. Cilliers said Nigeria’s apparent rejection of Zuma’s proposal to deploy ACIRC against Boko Haram was no surprise. ‘It was inevitable that the proposed use of ACIRC would come to nought. Nigeria is very proud and would not readily allow a foreign country to re-establish domestic security. Employing individuals on contract is, however, quite common.’ Neighbouring Chad, Niger and Cameroon were combating Boko Haram on their territory, and collaboration with Nigeria – for example in hot pursuit operations – would not upset national sensibilities in Nigeria. These countries had a direct national interest in the war.

Military analyst Helmoed Römer Heitman, a former member of the resource group of South Africa’s Defence Review Committee, also agreed that the involvement of the ex-SADF people ‘is a very good idea from everyone’s point of view – as long as they have picked the right people.’ Especially when the national defence force budget had just been cut, further undermining the credibility of the government’s rhetorical commitment to regional stability. He said the sort of operations that the ex-SADF soldiers would be conducting against Boko Haram would be very similar to some of the operations they had conducted against the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), namely ‘very high mobility operations by small forces, heavy in firepower and in protected vehicles, and based on the prompt and quick exploitation of intelligence; backed up by air assault or even parachute insertion of stopper groups.’ Heitman said it was in South Africa’s wider interest ‘to see Boko Haram put back in its box as soon as possible,’ adding that ‘any instability of this nature in Africa affects investors’ views of the whole continent…’ He said he did not understand why the government ‘seems to be all steamed up about it,’ unless it was the same naiveté that influenced the enactment of the mercenary bill, ‘which was not in South Africa’s long-term strategic interest.’

Heitman thought the Nigerians had displayed ‘extraordinary professional insight and moral courage’ to employ the former soldiers. Cynics might suggest, though, that Jonathan deliberately turned down South Africa’s official offer of help through ACIRC, while recruiting South Africans clandestinely, precisely to nettle Zuma. This faintly echoed South Africa freezing R63.8 million wired by the Abuja government to a South African company to buy military hardware last October. Abuja has insisted that the deal had been cleared with Zuma – and the ex-SADF soldiers now in Nigeria have likewise also insisted, according to Beeld, that their involvement was cleared at the highest echelons of the South African government, even if the defence minister did not know about it. Cilliers, though, does not see such a political conspiracy in the recruitment of the South African soldiers – just simple desperation by Jonathan to beat Boko Haram back before the elections at the end of this month, which were postponed by six weeks precisely for that purpose. Still, this episode will undoubtedly further aggravate the sour relations between the two countries. Pretoria is still smarting over what it regards as Nigeria’s incompetent, if not malicious, handling of the bodies of the 84 South Africans who died when a church collapsed in Lagos in September. One of South Africa’s grievances, incidentally, was that Abuja blocked government pathologists from helping identify the bodies – while hiring a private South African firm to do so. That sounds familiar. Another example of good business but bad government relations?

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Ngwa Bertrand

05.Mar.2015

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