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Catholicism And Conflict Situations In Africa: Contributions From Our Tradition
By Agbaw-Ebai Maurice Ashley (AMDG)
As in many other parts of the world, the secular democracies of Africa are guided in large part by the gains of the Enlightenment, which established the primacy of reason as the motivational source of all political and socio-economic action. Predominant in many so-called Francophonie countries is the model of French laicite, in which the public sphere was open to all competitive forces, the sole exception being religion. The political virtues of solidarity and the common good have been accepted in a post-Hegelian sense, in which the foundational grounds for every activity is guided by the sovereignty of reason that is autonomous and even embodied.
In this context of the secular African states, the resolution of conflicts, especially of an ethnic or political nature, demands a seasoned reflection in terms of the manner of proceeding. Africa continues to be a land of many conflicts and wars: from Somalia to parts of Kenya; from Libya to the Central African Republic; from Congo DRC to parts of Nigeria, et cetera. What resources can we galvanize to enable us as Catholics meet these challenges? How can we as Catholics lobby the powers that be in such a way that we can at least, help in substantially reducing conflicts and wars in Africa? What can we find in our Catholic tradition that might guide our discernment in the delicate but frequent recourse to violence in many contexts in Africa?
This invites into discussion the Justice, Development and Peace apostolate of many African dioceses. When the Bishops of Cameroon, for example, invite the faithful to pray for peace owing to the recent wave of attacks and violence unleashed by the Boko Haram sect, on what principles could such a call to prayer be engaged with by the Catholic intelligentsia and even the non-Catholic who wants to be party to this effort of the bishops? Asked pointedly, how can we translate this religious request of the bishops of Cameroon into a language that is accessible and meaningful to a wider non-Catholic audience? I think this calls for a deeper understanding of our Catholic tradition to conflicts and war, a tradition that was deeply enriched by Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas. In dialoguing with politicians and other interests groups, our Justice, Development and Peace representatives could employ the following arguments, gleaned from Augustine and Aquinas’ reflections on what it will take to constitute a so-called “just” war. I am convinced that if properly understood and given a chance, these principles might show how meaningless and irrelevant many of the wars and violent conflicts in Africa are, and perhaps help substantially reduce if not eliminate wars in Africa.
Firstly, at the public debate, Catholics could advance the argument for the necessity of exploring all other possible options, with conflict as the last resort. Pope Francis has made the culture of encounter a primary metaphor of his papacy. The beauty about encounter is that it continuously leaves open the door of dialogue, of a change in perspective, of the possibility of looking at things differently. Hard positions might shift when we encounter the other without paying too much attention to our prejudices. One need not profess the Apostle’s Creed in order to understand this argument, and the Catholic party need not hesitate to employ this argument even in a secular parliamentary setting.
Going further, it is important to pay attention to the sources of the conflict. Who is behind this conflict situation or this war is a question that cannot be avoided. In responding to the Boko Haram onslaught, for example, this question already opens a perspective about the intention of such a conflict. No society can proceed without legitimate authority. Even with the best of objectives, which is not evident in this case of Boko Haram, in my judgment, it is necessary that authority be respected, that attention be paid to those who have been elected to represent the people. This does not imply a blind submission, especially when the authority in question has lost its credibility through a dry history of self-serving egoism and thievery, which is unfortunately the case nearer to us.
In addition, if I am going to engage in a violent situation, it is necessary to reflect on the goal that I hope to achieve. It was Tertullian who famously remarked that the blood of the martyrs was the seed of Christianity! It remains true that to bring about genuine change, world history has been marked by many people giving up their lives, be it for an end to apartheid, racial discrimination, religious persecution, et cetera. For some greater good, life itself could become secondary: “For whoever would save his life will lose it, but whoever loses his life for my sake will find it” (Mathew 16:25). The goal of conflicts should be kept in mind at all times.
Moreover, it might be worthwhile to recall the pragmatic counsel offered by Jesus in the Gospels: “Or what king, when he sets out to meet another king in battle, will not first sit down and consider whether he is strong enough with ten thousand men to encounter the one coming against him with twenty thousand” (Luke 14:31). While martyrdom might be an attractive option in some contexts, it is also important to keep in mind the probability of winning a particular confrontation. If the stakes are clear that a victory might not ensue from a particular engagement, it is needless venturing into it.
From the traditional Catholic perspective of the just war theory, a fundamental justification for war is the greater good of peace. A dictator like Idi Amin of Uganda needed the ousting which Julius Nyerere and co led against the brutal dictator, even though blood was shed on both sides. The classic Catholic perspective has been to evaluate the possibility of peace before and after the war, and from weighing the options, make a prudential judgment about resorting to armed intervention.
Another contributory factor from our Catholic tradition is the argument from proportionality. Recently, I told a friend that if his eight-year old son were to hit me, I wouldn’t respond with a hammer in the name of self-defense! There are many who view the present Israeli-Gaza conflict from this perspective. Even in a so-called justified situation of armed conflict, maybe the proportion of military might employed ought to be such that it minimizes civilian causalities to the barest minimum. There must be a distinction between civilians and solders in war situations, and even soldiers who have surrendered to enemy combatants need not be eliminated, if they do not pose a reasonable threat.
As Africa continuously strives for peace in many situations of conflict that plague our continent, these principles from our Catholic tradition could act as deterrents to more conflicts and wars. Catholicism could have made a substantial contribution to avoiding more conflicts and wars from these principles.
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